21 November 2008

Part 2

Science 21 November 2008:
Vol. 322. no. 5905, pp. 1184 - 1185
DOI: 10.1126/science.322.5905.1184

News Focus

SCIENCE IN ROMANIA:
At Home in Bucharest, for Better and for Worse

Martin Enserink

Figure 1 Family affair. Maya Simionescu, with husband, Nicolae, and Nobelist George Palade (center) in the 1970s--and today, with a bust of her husband at the institute they founded.

CREDITS (TOP TO BOTTOM): M. ENSERINK/SCIENCE; ICBP

In the late 1980s, one of the darkest periods in Romania's history, the future of one of the country's flagship research centers hung by a thread. In downtown Bucharest, communist dictator Nicolae Ceauşescu was erecting his "House of the People," a gigantic government building for which a large part of the historic city had been flattened. To expand a park surrounding the building, Ceauşescu had also set his sights on demolishing the Institute of Cellular Biology and Pathology (ICBP), a modern research facility run by Nicolae and Maya Simionescu, a scientist couple that had previously worked at top labs in the United States.

Then came the Christmas revolution of 1989. Ceauşescu didn't survive; ICBP did. Today, its top floors offer an excellent view of the dictator's Hollywood-esque creation.

The story could be emblematic for Maya Simionescu, who colleagues say is a survivor herself. She replaced her husband as ICBP director when he died in 1995, and today, at 71, she is a heroine and an icon of Romanian science, says Marilena Lupu, who took a job at the institute in 2007 after completing a postdoc in the United States. The lab has remained one of a few "islands of excellence" in a sea of rather mediocre research, says cell biologist Octavian Voiculescu of University College London. But not everyone is a fan; Simionescu's tough leadership style has driven some lab members away, and some see her as stifling reforms in Romanian science.

During a recent meeting at her institute, Simionescu took some time out in her giant office to discuss her scientific adventure, which spans almost half a century. She and her husband--she was his student in Bucharest first--spent the 1970s working at Rockefeller University in New York City and at Yale University with Romanian Nobel laureate George Palade, who died last month at age 95. "We loved life in the U.S., and the working conditions were great," Simionescu recalls after lighting a long, thin cigarette and ordering coffee. "But we always felt we could make a bigger contribution here." So they persuaded the Romanian government to build a brand-new lab for them. ICBP opened in 1979.

Just how well-connected the Simionescus were at the time is under dispute. Some assert that Ceauşescu was personally interested in repatriating the high-profile couple, and Nicanor Moldovan, who worked at the lab for 13 years and is now at Ohio State University, Columbus, says they seemed to have "some form of access to the higher political hierarchy," up to Ceauşescu and his chemist wife, Elena. But Simionescu says she and her husband remained "apolitical" and insists that a reception at the Romanian embassy in Washington, D.C., in the early 1970s was the only time she met Ceauşescu. Other officials, such as the health minister, championed their cause, she says, as did Palade.

Whatever the backstory, it didn't take the Simionescus long to create "a unique place in Eastern Europe," Moldovan says. Focusing on the cardiovascular system--in particular the cell biology and biochemistry of the vascular endothelium--they introduced to Romania new techniques, such as electron microscopy, and new habits, such as working long hours and publishing in international journals; they obtained Fulbright scholarships and visas to send young scientists to the West and flew in Palade and other top scientists to discuss research in Bucharest. "Working with the Simionescus was a passport to the best labs and scientists in the world," Moldovan says.

In the 1980s, however, Ceauşescu's economic policies plunged the country into hardship. Funding for the lab dried up, the government ordered the lights out after 5 p.m. to save electricity, and there was often no heating during the winter. It also became increasingly difficult to get visas to go abroad, says Simionescu. Grants from the U.S. National Institutes of Health--a rare honor for a foreign institute--kept the lab afloat.

The 1989 revolution ended the immediate threat to ICBP, but it also triggered the departure of more than a third of the staff, many of them looking for a better life outside Romania. Lingering tensions over the Simionescus' controlling management style may have hastened the exodus, some researchers say. The duo had little patience for dissent and created a personality cult, says one former ICBP scientist who asked not to be identified because he worries it might hurt his career. "People wrote songs and poetry about the Simionescus," the researcher says. Moldovan confirms that the lab was run "like an autocracy" --although to him, it felt more like a family at the time.

For Maya Simionescu, the post-revolution defection was a blow. "I had trained so many of those people, taught them everything--they were like my children," she says. The revolution did offer new opportunities, however, such as a chance to hire fresh, young people with new skills--computers had just begun to alter how biology research was done--engage in collaborations with foreign labs, and receive E.U. funds.

After her husband didn't wake up one Monday morning in 1995--a heart attack--she named the institute after him and took on the directorship. "I wasn't sure I could do it. We had always done everything together," she says. Opinions on her tenure since then are divided. Moldovan says he "has nothing but the greatest admiration." But Mircea Miclea, a former science minister, says Simionescu has become a conservative force herself, for instance, by blocking his attempts to reform the Romanian Academy of Sciences, of which she was the vice president for 8 years.

Simionescu has no plans to leave. She recently received some €14 million in E.U. "structural funds" to renovate ICBP's aging building and buy new equipment. She is moving into stem cells. "Maybe in a couple of years," she says, "I will find a new director, and I will become honorary director, if that is helpful." Then she pulls a rose from a nearby vase, lays it gently on the pedestal of a large bronze bust of her husband, and walks back to her meeting.

The State of Science in Romania (Science Journal)

Science 21 November 2008:
Vol. 322. no. 5905, pp. 1183 - 1185
DOI: 10.1126/science.322.5905.1183

News Focus

SCIENCE IN ROMANIA:
Reaching for the Stars in Romania

Martin Enserink

A small association of Romanian scientists, many of them working abroad, is fed up with the slow pace of reforms in their country. And politicians are paying attention.

BUCHAREST--As the sun was setting, scientists flocked to Victoria palace, a massive 1930s complex in Romania's capital and the headquarters of the country's prime minister. Among them were hundreds of Romanian scientists working abroad, flown in for the occasion. Sipping Romanian wine, the expats chatted with local researchers, hatching ideas for collaborations or, who knows, quietly pondering a return to their homeland.

Prime Minister Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu extolled the country's scientific talent. U.S. Ambassador Nicholas Taubman offered words of praise while encouraging further reforms in science and education. The message of the evening--part of a 3-day meeting on "The Romanian Scientific Diaspora"--was upbeat: Almost 20 years after the fall of communism, Romanian science was on the right path--its future as bright as the floodlights bathing the palace's façade.

But to some Romanian scientists--especially the younger generation and the majority who work abroad--the positive tone was a bit of a façade itself. Look behind it, they say, and you'll find a nepotistic old guard that controls research funding, an unfair peer-review process, abysmal starting salaries for young talent, and a lack of recognition for scientific excellence. "Despite all the rhetoric, there's little progress," says Liviu Giosan, a Romanian marine geologist at the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution in Massachusetts.

The discontent has found a voice in Ad Astra, an association of Romanian scientists that Giosan co-founded in 2000. With fewer than 60 members so far--entry criteria are strict--Ad Astra seems almost laughably small. But thanks to its Web site that more than 800 registered nonmembers frequently visit, high-profile spokespeople, and a series of well-publicized policy studies it ran, Ad Astra is "one of the most successful nongovernmental organizations in Romania," boasts Daniel Funeriu, a chemist at the Technical University in Münich, Germany.

Other members, including Giosan, are more skeptical about Ad Astra's impact. But nobody denies that the group has captured politicians' attention. In 2006, when Romanian President Traian Băsescu assembled a panel to map out the future of science and education, four of its 12 members came from Ad Astra's ranks. "I don't always agree with Ad Astra, but I want to talk with them," Anton Anton, Romania's minister of education, research and youth, told Science recently. "They're a strong, clear, and independent voice."

Out of Ceauşescu's shadow
Both Romania's particular brand of communism and the tumultuous transition to democracy have left their marks on the country's science. Nicolae Ceauşescu, who ruled the country for 24 years until 1989, had a keen interest in certain scientific fields, such as nuclear physics and chemistry, that could help achieve his dreams of national self-reliance. But he neglected biology, except for a few prestige projects (see sidebar, p. 1184), and banned psychology, a field he deemed unnecessary in a socialist paradise. Research funding was generally tight, especially during the 1980s, when Ceauşescu's decision to pay off the national debt plunged the country into poverty.

Because Ceauşescu had kept a particularly tight lid on emigration, the brain drain seen in many Eastern European countries after the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989 became a hemorrhage in Romania. "Everybody wanted to leave, and now they finally could," says cell biologist Nicanor Moldovan, who left to do a postdoc in the United States in 1995. "It was like an elastic band that suddenly snapped." The exodus robbed the country of a generation of its top scientific talent. The official number of scientists in Romania is about 30,000, but the country now has an estimated 16,000 researchers abroad.

Giosan decided he had to leave in 1990, when, as a student and a senate member of the University of Bucharest, he took part in political demonstrations that were brutally repressed by miners, called in by then-president Ion Iliescu. He got out 3 years later and started his graduate studies at the State University of New York, Stony Brook. But in 2000, after attending a science policy meeting in Bucharest, he realized he hadn't turned his back on the country for good. The conference, organized by other young scientists from the diaspora, was supported by his former teacher, mineralogist Emil Constantinescu, who had been elected the country's president in 1996.

Soon after the meeting, Giosan met Răzvan Florian, a computational neuroscientist from the northern city of Cluj-Napoca who had worked at the Pierre and Marie Curie University (Paris VI) in Paris and the Xerox Palo Alto Research Center in California. Florian, a computer whiz, helped Giosan put together an "online community" where Romanian scientists could debate policy, post documents, and share experiences. Its name was derived from Seneca's quote, "Per aspera ad astra," or "Through hardship to the stars." "That's how I envisioned the battle ahead," Giosan says.

In 2002, the duo set up an association by the same name. To be voted in, aspiring members must have a Ph.D. or be Ph.D. students, have at least one paper in an international journal, and offer a statement about what they hope to bring to Ad Astra.

More money
Financially, the position of Romanian science has greatly improved since Ad Astra's birth--but the group had little to do with that. To meet the conditions for membership in the European Union (E.U.), Romania hiked public spending on research from a paltry 0.2% of its gross domestic product (GDP) in 2004 to 0.6% this year. The figure is slated to grow to 1% in 2010. The country's GDP itself has been growing fast as well since 2001, and E.U. membership has brought access to so-called structural funds, some of which are used for science. In a few short years, many scientists say, money stopped being the problem.

But many other concerns remain. Compared with countries such as the Czech Republic and Hungary, Romania hasn't been nearly as successful in reforming its science system, says Giosan. Due to the massive brain drain, power has remained in the hands of communist-era scientists whose productivity is low. Many publish only in the hundreds of Romanian journals, whose circulation is often limited and whose main goal seems to be puffing up authors' resumés, Florian says. According to an Ad Astra analysis, only about one in three scientists in Romania has ever published in an international journal.

Persuading young scientists to stay and replace the old guard is tough. Although veteran scientists now earn salaries comparable to those in Western Europe, starting Ph.D. students can get paid as little as €300 per month. That makes recruitment very difficult, says Ştefana Petrescu, who heads the Institute for Biochemistry in Bucharest. Romania has also been faring poorly in E.U. competitions. For instance, it didn't win a single one of the prestigious new grants--300 for beginning researchers and 275 for more established scientists--awarded in 2007 and 2008 by the European Research Council.

Ad Astra's biggest complaint is that the way Romania distributes its growing science budget--through grants disbursed by the National Authority for Scientific Research (ANCS) and its subagencies--is flawed. Many reviewers have no knowledge of the topics they're supposed to judge, says Florian, who says the government should enlist foreign experts. "You may propose a project in quark-gluon plasmas, but the reviewer may know little about nuclear physics and write that plasma problems were solved 20 years ago," says Nicolae Zamfir, who returned from the United States in 2005 to become director general of Romania's National Institute of Physics and Nuclear Engineering.

Ad Astra has fought back by lobbying and debating online--and by studying and documenting the problems. Florian became a part-time scientometrist who meticulously keeps score of the country's achievements. In 2006, he published a "white book" showing that entire national institutes in Romania produce little more than some small research groups abroad. Ad Astra's national university ranking, modeled on the global index published by Shanghai Jiao Tong University in China, shook up the academic pecking order and revealed that many universities are scientific lightweights.

A little patience
To many young Romanian scientists, the wave of activism was a breath of fresh air--even an inspiration. Veterinary scientist Marilena Lupu says she wanted to come back to Romania after working in the United States for 3 years but was worried about the scientific climate; she took the plunge after discovering that she wasn't the only one who wanted to improve the research system.

But not many have followed her--perhaps a sign of how much improvement is still needed. So far, about 30 expat researchers have taken advantage of national and European "reintegration grants." Still, the government is listening to Ad Astra and other critics, says Anton, the science and education minister, who took that job last month after 4 years as the president of ANCS. "I want the young people to be happy," Anton says.

Acknowledging problems in the grant-review system, Anton says that the government has already raised the bar for reviewers. He would like to hire foreign reviewers as well, but that has proven impossible, he says; expat researchers don't have time, and the number of proposals is vast. Anton urges a little more patience with the older generation of scientists, however. They were educated when publishing in Western journals was discouraged, and now they're told that only international papers count--"that's a pretty big change," he says.

Some Ad Astra members say they can see the group's work beginning to pay off. The presidential advisory committee, chaired by psychologist and former education and science minister Mircea Miclea--another Ad Astra member--has raised awareness of the problems, says Technical University's Funeriu. All nine major parties participating in the 30 November parliamentary elections have committed to new investment and reforms in science and education. Other scientists say that the government has been serious about reforms, and Petrescu credits Anton for "being very open and reform-minded."

Figure 2 Booming budget. Romanian science spending has risen fast and the increases are projected to continue, but the way grants are distributed has come under fire.

SOURCE: ROMANIAN NATIONAL AUTHORITY FOR SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH

Ad Astra's founders are perhaps least impressed about what the group has achieved. Florian agrees that widespread media attention to his studies has made the public familiar with the problems, and science administrators are more prone to use reform-minded language. But he doesn't see much real change at universities and labs. He has been successful himself, however. Together with a colleague, he set up a small institute for cognitive and neural science in Cluj-Napoca, which managed to bag a research grant. (Sometimes the system does work, he concedes.)

Giosan returns to his homeland annually to study the Danube delta, a key area for environmental research. "The country is still very close to my heart," he says--but he's been unable to get Romanian funding, and he can't envision himself moving back anytime soon. Despite Ad Astra's best efforts, Giosan still sees primarily hardship for Romanian science--and few stars in sight.

22 January 2008

The times, they are a-changin' (NY Times)

New Wave on the Black Sea

More than most of us would have predicted as it turned out. But for the moment we were happy to have "The Death of Mr. Lazarescu," the second feature by Cristi Puiu, though given the movie’s methods and subject matter there was perhaps something a little perverse in our joy. Its exotic provenance was not the only thing that made Puiu’s movie sound like something only a stereotypical film snob could love. More than two and a half hours long, “The Death of Mr. Lazarescu” chronicles the last night in the life of its title character, a flabby 63-year-old Bucharest pensioner with a stomachache and a drinking problem. Filmed in a quasi-documentary style in drab urban locations — a shabby apartment, the inside of an ambulance, a series of fluorescent-bulbed hospital waiting and examination rooms — it follows a narrative arc from morbidity to mortality punctuated by casual, appalling instances of medical malpractice.

And yet viewers who witnessed poor Dante Lazarescu’s unheroic passing on the grand screen of the Salle Debussy emerged from the experience feeling more exhilarated than depressed. “The Death of Mr. Lazarescu” is raw, melancholy and unflinching, but it is also lyrical, funny and, perhaps paradoxically, full of life. And though the wobbling camera and the use of unflattering available light create an atmosphere of tough, unadorned naturalism, the film is also, on closer inspection, a remarkably artful piece of work, with a strong, unpredictable story, rigorous camera work and powerfully understated performances. The excitement that greeted it came from the feeling that one of the oldest and strongest capacities of cinema — to capture and illuminate reality, one face, one room, one life at a time — had been renewed.

When the festival was over, Cristi Puiu returned to Bucharest with an award, called Un Certain Regard, given to the best film in a side program that frequently upstages the main competition. The rest of us went home with the glow of discovery that is one reason we go to film festivals in the first place. This is not an especially unusual occurrence on the festival circuit. Every so often, a modest picture from an obscure place makes a big splash in the relatively small international art-film pond. But the triumph of “Mr. Lazarescu” in Cannes turned out to be a sign of things to come. In 2006, the year after “Mr. Lazarescu,” attentive Cannes adventurers would find room in their screening schedules for two new Romanian movies, Catalin Mitulescu’s “Way I Spent the End of the World” and Corneliu Porumboiu’s "12:08 East of Bucharest," both of which dealt, albeit in very different ways, with the revolution of 1989. When the time came to hand out awards, Porumboiu won the Caméra d’Or, given to the best debut feature.

A year later, the first film in the Cannes competition to be shown to the press was Cristian Mungiu’s second feature, "4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days," a harrowing, suspenseful story of illegal abortion and an unsparing portrait of daily life in the last years of Communist rule. By the end of the festival, “the Romanian abortion movie” (its inevitable and somewhat unfortunate shorthand designation) had overpowered a competitive field. There was much delight but no great surprise when Mungiu, a soft-spoken, round-faced 39-year-old, walked onto the stage of the Salle Lumière on the last night of the festival to accept the Palme d’Or, the festival’s top prize and a token of membership in the world fraternity of cinematic masters (or at least in a diverse club whose other recent inductees include Roman Polanski, Lars von Trier and Michael Moore). Earlier in the day, the Certain Regard jury (one of whose members was Cristi Puiu) gave its award to "California Dreamin'," yet another Romanian movie whose director, the prodigiously talented Cristian Nemescu, died in a car accident the year before at the age of 27.

In three years, then, four major prizes at the world’s pre-eminent film festival went to movies from a country whose place in the history of 20th-century cinema might charitably be called marginal. The post-Cannes triumphal march of “4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days” (it opens in New York on Friday) to the tops of English-language critics’ polls and year-end lists, as well as to a Golden Globe nomination, offers belated confirmation of last spring’s news flash from the Côte d’Azur. But perhaps you are hearing it here first: the Romanian new wave has arrived.

IS THERE OR IS THERE NOT?

Such is the consensus, or at least the hype, within the worldwide critical community. In Romania itself, where Mungiu’s Palme d’Or was front-page news and occasioned a burst of national pride (including a medal bestowed on the director by the country’s president), there is a bit more skepticism. The Romanian title of “12:08 East of Bucharest,” the 2006 Caméra d’Or winner, is “Fost sau n-a fost,” which translates as “was there or was there not?” The question is posed by the pompous host of a provincial television talk show to an undistinguished panel (consisting of an alcoholic schoolteacher, a semiretired Santa Claus and a desultory handful of callers) on the 16th anniversary of the revolution that overthrew Nicolae Ceausescu. The moderator wants his guests to address whether or not, in their sad little city in Moldavia (Porumboiu’s hometown of Vaslui), the revolution really happened. A long and inconclusive debate follows, punctuated by verbal digressions and technical difficulties: a production assistant’s hand reaches into the frame; the camera abruptly zooms in on the host’s nose. (“At last, a close-up,” he says). A discussion of contemporary Romanian cinema with Romanian filmmakers and critics can sometimes resemble that scene: “Is there or is there not a Romanian new wave?” Or, as it was put recently, with some irreverence, before a very distinguished panel at a contentious public debate held at the Romanian Cultural Institute in New York, “Romanian Cinema: The Golden Age?”

Compared with what? Romanian cinema, it will be pointed out, was not born with “The Death of Mr. Lazarescu.” As it happened, Cristian Mungiu’s Palme d’Or arrived punctually on the 50th anniversary of the first Romanian Palme, awarded in 1957 to Ion Popescu-Gopo’s “Short History,” a charming, wordless animated short in which human evolution and industrial development culminate in the planting of large daisylike flowers on distant planets. More to the point, there was a Romanian movie industry in the 1970s and ’80s, and many of the filmmakers whose movies traveled the festival rounds in those days — directors like Stere Gulea, Dan Pita and Mircea Daneliuc — are still active. The younger generation, furthermore, does not necessarily represent a unified or coherent movement.

In an article published last summer in the English-language journal European Alternatives, Alex Leo Serban, one of Romania’s leading film critics, instructed readers to keep in mind that “there are no ‘waves,’ . . . just individuals.” When I met him in Bucharest in November, Puiu, the director of “Mr. Lazarescu,” was more emphatic. “There is not, not, not, not, not a Romanian new wave,” he insisted, hammering the point home against the arm of his living-room couch. Puiu, who studied painting in Switzerland before turning to film, is given to grand, counterintuitive statements. (“I am not a filmmaker!” he practically shouted at me when I asked him, in all innocence, what inspired him to become one.) To spend time with him — as I discovered in the course of a long evening at his apartment, during which several bottles of Romanian wine and countless American cigarettes joined Mr. Lazarescu in the great beyond — is to be drawn into frequent and fascinating argument. Over hors d’oeuvres, we stumbled into a friendly quarrel over the idea that anyone’s life has ever really been changed by a book or a film, and as we ate roast lamb at Puiu’s high, narrow kitchen table we debated whether or not a camera’s zoom could be said to correspond to any activity of the human eye.

When it comes to new waves, the critics who announce (or invent) them have more of an investment than artists, who understandably resist the notion that their individuality might be assimilated into some larger tendency. Ever since the French Nouvelle Vague of the late 1950s and early ’60s, cinephiles have scanned the horizon looking for movement. In Czechoslovakia before 1968, in West Germany and Hollywood in the 1970s and more recently in Taiwan, Iran and Uzbekistan, the metaphor signaled newness, iconoclasm, a casting off of tradition and a rediscovery of latent possibilities. It also contains an implicit threat of obsolescence, since what crests and crashes ashore is also sure to ebb. Which may be one reason for partisans of Romanian cinema to resist the idea of a wave. If no one wins a prize next year in Cannes, will this golden age be over?

But it’s hard, all the same, for an outsider to give full credence to the notion that the current flowering of Romanian film is entirely a matter of happenstance, the serendipitous convergence of a bunch of idiosyncratic talents. For one thing, to watch recent Romanian movies — the features and the shorts, the festival prizewinners and those that might or should have been — is to discover a good deal of continuity and overlap in addition to obvious differences.

Though they might be reluctant to admit it, the new Romanian filmmakers have a lot in common beyond their reliance on a small pool of acting and technical talent. Because of the stylistic elements they share — a penchant for long takes and fixed camera positions; a taste for plain lighting and everyday décor; a preference for stories set amid ordinary life — Puiu, Porumboiu and Mungiu are sometimes described as minimalists or neo-neorealists. But while their work does show some affinity with that of other contemporary European auteurs, like the Belgian brothers Jean-Pierre and Luc Dardenne, who make art out of the grim facts of quotidian existence, the realism of the Romanians has some distinct characteristics of its own.

It seems like something more than coincidence, for example, that the five features that might constitute a mini-canon of 21st-century Romanian cinema — “Stuff and Dough,” Puiu’s first feature; “The Death of Mr. Lazarescu”; “12:08 East of Bucharest”; “The Paper Will Be Blue,” by Radu Muntean; and “4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days” — all confine their action to a single day and focus on a single action. This is less a matter of Aristotelian discipline than of respect for the contingency and loose-endedness of real experience. In each case, the action is completed — Lazarescu dies; the abortion in “4 Months” is performed; the broadcast in “12:08” comes to an end — but a lingering, haunting sense of inconclusiveness remains. The narratives have a shape, but they seem less like plots abstracted from life than like segments carved out of its rough rhythms. The characters are often in a state of restless, agitated motion, confused about where they are going and what they will find when they arrive. The camera follows them into ambulances, streetcars, armored vehicles and minivans, communicating with unsettling immediacy their anxiety and disorientation. The viewer is denied the luxury of distance. After a while, you feel you are living inside these movies as much as watching them.

When Otilia, the heroine of “4 Months,” joins a dinner party at her boyfriend’s house, the camera stays across the table from her, putting the audience in the position of a silent, watchful guest. We know she has just been through an unspeakably strange and awful experience, but the others, friends of the boyfriend’s parents, are oblivious, and their banal, posturing wisdom becomes excruciating. The emptiness of authority — whether generational, political or conferred by elevated social status — is an unmistakable theme in the work of nearly all the younger Romanian filmmakers. The doctors who neglect Mr. Lazarescu; the grandiose, small-time television host in “12:08”; the swaggering army commanders and rebel leaders in “The Paper Will Be Blue” and their successors, the officious bureaucrats in “California Dreamin’ ” — all of these men (and they are all men) display a self-importance that is both absurd and malignant. Their hold on power is mitigated sometimes by their own clumsiness but more often by unheralded, stubborn acts of ordinary decency. An ambulance technician decides to help out a suffering old man who is neither kin nor especially kind; a student stands stoically by her irresponsible friend; a militia officer, in the middle of a revolution, goes out of his way to find and protect an errant, idealistic young man under his command.

There is almost no didacticism or point-making in these films, none of whose characters are easily sorted into good guys and bad guys. Instead, there is an almost palpable impulse to tell the truth, to present choices, conflicts and accidents without exaggeration or omission. This is a form of realism, of course, but its motivation seems to be as much ethical as aesthetic, less a matter of verisimilitude than of honesty. There is an unmistakable political dimension to this kind of storytelling, even when the stories themselves seem to have no overt political content. During the Ceausescu era, which ended abruptly, violently and somewhat ambiguously in December 1989 — in the last and least velvety of the revolutions of that year — Romanian public life was dominated by fantasies, delusions and lies. And the filmmakers who were able to work in such conditions resorted, like artists in other communist countries, to various forms of allegory and indirection. Both Puiu and Mungiu describe this earlier mode of Romanian cinema as “metaphorical,” and both utter the word with a heavy inflection of disgust.

“I wanted to become a filmmaker as a reaction to that kind of cinema,” Mungiu told me. “Nothing like this ever happened in real life. And you got this desire to say: ‘People, you don’t know what you’re talking about. This is all fake. This is not what you should be telling in films. I could do way better than you.’ I felt this way, but I think this whole generation had that feeling. Those movies were badly acted, completely unbelievable, with stupid situations, lots of metaphors. It was a time when, you know, saying something about the system was more important than telling a story.”

The new generation finds itself with no shortage of stories to tell, whether about the traumas of the Stalinist past or the confusions of the Euro-consumerist present — and also, for the moment, with an audience eager to hear them.

TALES FROM THE GOLDEN AGE

Or perhaps with several different audiences. “Make sure you pay attention to the words on the screen at the beginning,” Mungiu advised a packed house of moviegoers who had come, six months after Cannes, to see “4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days.” This was in Silver Spring, Md., at a program of new European movies presented by the American Film Institute. I saw Mungiu in Cannes in May and met him briefly at the New York Film Festival, but as it happened I would be unable to catch him in Bucharest. After his triumphant homecoming and a kind of roadshow Romanian release of “4 Months” over the summer, he had been in a state of frequent-flier exile familiar to successful filmmakers, crisscrossing the globe — with stops in Korea, Berlin, Los Angeles and now the suburbs of Washington — to show his movie.

His opening remarks were meant to direct the audience’s attention to the only part of “4 Months” that provides its story with explicit context, a note in the lower right-hand corner that says, “Romania, 1987.” But for this crowd, it turned out, the explanation was redundant. They knew exactly where they were. Two-thirds of the way through the screening — at a point when the viewer is fully immersed in the helplessness and dread that are the film’s governing emotions — I bumped into Mungiu just outside the theater doors. He appeared to be listening intently to what was going on inside. “I think there are a lot of Romanians here tonight,” he said, looking up. I asked what gave him that impression. “They’re laughing,” he said. “They always do.”

Now, it should be noted that “4 Months” is about as far from a comedy as a movie can be. If you were looking for a generic label, you could do worse than to call it a kind of horror movie, in which the two main characters, young women in jeopardy, are subjected to the sadism of an unscrupulous abortionist and, almost worse, the indifference, hostility and incomprehension of just about everyone else. It is not an easy film to watch, but it feels, to a non-Romanian, like an absolutely convincing anatomy of what ordinary people endured under communism. And it clearly felt that way to the members of the Romanian diaspora as well, except that they found humor in addition to horror in revisiting a familiar bygone world. What followed the screening was less the anticipated Q-and-A session than a trip down memory lane, which spilled out into the theater lobby and continued well into the night. “That was exactly like my dorm room at university,” one woman announced. Another wanted to know how Mungiu found the brands of soap, gum and other items that had been staples of the Ceausescu era. (“You can find anything on the Internet,” he replied.)

Mungiu originally conceived “4 Months,” which is based on something that happened to a woman he knows, as part of a series of “Tales From the Golden Age,” an ironic reference to the way Ceausescu characterized his reign, which began in 1965. Born in 1968, Mungiu calls himself a “child of the decree,” meaning Ceausescu’s 1966 edict restricting abortion and birth control for the purpose of spurring economic development by increasing the Romanian population. Though the law fell short of its demographic goals, it did in its way spawn a handful of new Romanian filmmakers, who reached adolescence and early adulthood just as Ceausescu’s monstrous utopian experiment was collapsing. Puiu was born in 1967. Muntean, whose experience in the military during the 1989 revolution is the basis of “The Paper Will Be Blue,” is four years younger. Corneliu Porumboiu was 14 (and playing table tennis with a friend) when the old regime fell.

Its demise was an anomaly, much as the regime itself was. One especially painful aspect of Romanian communism was that it was, well, Romanian — an indigenous outgrowth at least as much as a foreign imposition. For much of his reign, Ceausescu was admired in the West for his relative independence from Moscow, but internally he fostered a nationalist cult of personality that in some ways had more in common with Kim Il Sung’s North Korea (which Ceausescu came to admire after visiting in the early 1970s) than with desultory bureaucratic police states like Czechoslovakia and East Germany. And perhaps for this reason — because Romanians were not simply throwing off an imperial yoke, but at the same time exorcising a leader who claimed to be the highest incarnation of their identity as a people — the Romanian revolution was by far the most violent in Eastern Europe in 1989. Elsewhere, the imagery of that year consists of hammers chipping at the Berlin Wall and a playwright installed in Prague Castle, but in Romania there are soldiers firing into crowds, torn flags and the summary execution, on Christmas Day, of the dictator and his wife. And the nature of the event is shadowed, to this day, by doubt and irresolution. Was it a popular uprising or a coup d’etat sponsored by an opportunistic faction within the military and the ruling party? Its aftermath — in particular the violent suppression of pro-democracy demonstrations in June 1990 — was nearly as bloody as the revolution itself, and the transition out of communism in the 1990s was marked by economic crisis, political stalemate and social malaise.

It would be an unwarranted generalization for me to claim that Romanians are still preoccupied with this history. I can say, though, that every conversation I had in Bucharest, even the most casual, circled back to the old days, so that I sometimes felt that they ended much more recently than 18 years ago. And the physical aspect of Bucharest confirms this impression. The busy shopping streets have the usual storefronts — Sephora, Hugo Boss, various cellphone carriers and European grocery chains — and the main north-south road out of town is jammed with Land Rovers and lined with big-box discount stores. Turn a corner, though, or glance behind one of the billboards mounted on the walls of old buildings, and you are thrown backward, from the shiny new age of the European Union (which Romania joined only last year) into the rustiest days of the Iron Curtain. The architecture is a jumble of late-19th-century Hapsburg-style villas and gray socialist apartment blocks, some showing signs of renovation, others looking as if they had fallen under the protection of some mad Warsaw Pact preservation society.

This layering of the old and the new was perhaps most apparent when I visited Bucharest’s National University of Drama and Film (U.N.A.T.C.), a venerable institution housed in a building rumored to have been previously used as a training facility for the Securitate, Ceausescu’s notorious secret police. Mungiu, Porumboiu and Nemescu are all U.N.A.T.C. graduates, and Puiu currently teaches courses there in screen acting. Like much else in the city, the complex was under renovation, with freshly painted walls and tools banging and buzzing in the corridors and courtyards. In a drafty classroom downstairs, I was introduced to members of the faculty, who sat silently and warily, arms folded, as, with the help of an interpreter, I fumbled through an explanation of my interest in new Romanian film. It was not an interest any of them gave much indication of sharing, apart from one voluble professor. “We are all dinosaurs, but at least I will admit that I am one,” he announced, before going on to praise the achievements of his former students.

Afterward, feeling as if I had just failed an oral exam, I went upstairs to meet with some current students — about 40 of them, crowded into a small screening room. The difference between them and their professors seemed to be more than just a matter of age and status. They belonged to a different world, one in which I felt perfectly at home. I wanted to talk about Romanian cinema, and while they had a lot to say about the subject, they also wanted to talk about Borat and David Lynch, about Sundance and the Oscars, about Japanese anime and “Hedwig and the Angry Inch.”

Fost sau n-a fost? You tell me.

CALIFORNIA DREAMIN’

“There is no Romanian film industry.” This is not another one of Cristi Puiu’s counterintuitive provocations but rather a statement I was to hear again and again in Bucharest as I visited the offices of film schools and production companies, a studio back lot and the headquarters of the National Center for Cinematography (C.N.C.). There was no shortage of industriousness, but Romania lacks the basic infrastructure that makes the cycle of production, distribution and exhibition viable in other countries. What is missing, above all, is movie theaters: there are around 80 cinemas serving a country of 22 million people, and 7 of the 42 largest municipalities have no movie screens at all. (In the United States there are almost 40,000 screens and millions of movie fans who still complain that there is nothing to see).

What Romania does have, in addition to a backlog of stories crying out to be told on screen, are traditions and institutions that give filmmakers at least some of the tools required to tell them. The “dinosaurs” at U.N.A.T.C. take their pupils through a rigorous program of instruction that includes courses in aesthetics and art history and requires them to make two 35-millimeter short films before graduating, one of them in black and white. This kind of old-school technical training, which extends to acting as well, surely accounts for some of the sophistication and self-assurance that Mungiu, Porumboiu and their colleagues display.

Not that anything comes easily. The shortage of screens means that the potential for domestic commercial returns is small, and therefore it is hard to attract substantial private investment, either from within Romania or from outside the country. And the scarcity of theaters makes exhibition quotas — which other countries use to protect their film industries from being overwhelmed by Hollywood — untenable. But if there is no film industry, there is at least a Law of Cinematography (modeled on a French statute) that establishes a mechanism by which the state helps finance movie production. Taxes collected on television advertising revenue, DVD sales and other media-related transactions go into a fund, money from which is distributed in a twice-yearly competition. Winning projects are ranked, with the top selections receiving as much as 50 percent of their production costs from the fund. Film costs tend to be modest — the budget of “4 Months” was around 700,000 euros — and the filmmakers have 10 years to pay back the state’s investment, at which point they own the film outright.

Many of the filmmakers I spoke to complained about the system. Porumboiu, impatient with its slow pace and bureaucratic obstacles, financed “12:08” himself. Shortly before Cannes last year, Mungiu was involved in a public spat with the C.N.C. that made headlines in the local press. After a dispute with the center, Puiu circulated a letter pledging never to participate in the system again.

But a collection of the movies that arose from harmonious relations between filmmakers and their financiers would consist largely of home videos and vanity projects. Even frustrated artists, in other words, can flourish. And their success abroad, moreover, feeds the system with prestige and helps bring in money from the European Union and adventurous foreign investors.

Though Romania’s homegrown film industry will most likely remain small, it exists in close proximity to Hollywood itself. American audiences may not be familiar with “The Paper Will Be Blue” or “Stuff and Dough,” but those who have seen “Cold Mountain,” “Borat” or “Seed of Chucky” can claim some acquaintance with Romanian cinema, or at least with movies made in Romania. About 20 miles outside of Bucharest, where newly built suburban developments give way to farmland, is the Castel Film Studio, a vast complex that houses the largest soundstage in Europe, a 200,000-gallon tank for underwater filming and standing sets like city streets, a full-size wingless jet and the mountain hamlet from “Cold Mountain.”

Castel promises skilled labor at a lower cost than producers are likely to find in the United States or Western Europe (though the weakness of the dollar has made its prices a bit less attractive to Americans). Its crews are trained at the rigorous Romanian film schools, and in turn receive hands-on experience with equipment that is hard to come by in modest Romanian productions. Oleg Mutu, the director of photography who brought Bucharest to gloomy life in “Mr. Lazarescu” and “4 Months,” spent a few weeks operating a camera on “Cold Mountain.” Cristi Puiu recently shot an insurance commercial at Castel. The U.N.A.T.C. students, even as they dream of Golden Palms and envision making tough, realistic movies about immigrants, Gypsies and alienated youth, acknowledge that they are more likely to find paying work in advertising or television.

Meanwhile, the stars of the current wave — who are part of what is to my mind the most exciting development in a European national cinema since Spain in the 1980s — contemplate their next projects and prepare their proposals for the next round of C.N.C. competitions. One afternoon in Bucharest, Corneliu Porumboiu and I sat in the cafe at the Bucharest Cinematheque, drinking coffee and talking about movies: Woody Allen; “The Lives of Others”; the Italian neorealists. The Cinematheque is a kind of mothership for Bucharest cineastes. It’s where they went to discover exotic films when they were younger, and where their films are now shown and celebrated in a country without many other public places for movie going.

After a while, we got up, and Porumboiu offered to show me around the screening rooms. At the box-office entrance, decorated with a “4 Months, 3 Weeks and Two Days” flier, a guard confronted us and shooed us away. The facilities were closed. Porumboiu tried to explain that he wanted to show them to a guest from New York, but he was rebuffed. We could buy a ticket or rent out a theater, but we couldn’t just walk in and look around. And so we wandered away, to find another place to hang out in this bustling, bedraggled city. It occurred to me that maybe there was no Romanian translation of the sentence “Do you know who I am?” — which would have been the first thing out of an American director’s mouth in a similar situation. Or perhaps this was a double-edged metaphor: maybe in Bucharest, nowadays, a filmmaker with a prize from Cannes is nothing special.

19 March 2007

Another "hero" comes along (BBC News)


Rich populist woos Romanians

By Oana Lungescu
European Affairs correspondent, Buchares
t
Published: 2007/03/16 10:57:12 GMT

Less than three months after Romania joined the EU, the country is in deep political crisis, with the president and prime minister accusing each other of lying and corruption.

Meanwhile, a third man is climbing in the polls. He is Gigi Becali, the multi-millionaire boss of the champion Steaua football club.

From humble beginnings as a shepherd, Mr Becali made his fortune in real estate after the fall of communism to become one of Romania's richest men and the second most popular politician after the president himself.

His New Generation Party (PNG) headquarters is as flamboyant as the man - a palace in Bucharest being polished back to its former glory with no expense spared.

Restorers carefully apply gold leaf to every moulding, while Gigi Becali, a dark-haired man in his late forties, looks on whistling O Sole Mio.

In Berlusconi's footsteps

His soulmate among European politicians is Silvio Berlusconi. Like the former Italian prime minister, Mr Becali wants to use football and money to get to the top. But he is also a devout Orthodox Christian.

I met him on his return from Mount Athos, the holiest site in Eastern Orthodoxy. He often goes there in a private jet to pray before key matches.

His office looks more like a shrine, with Byzantine icons on every wall, a life-size painting of himself as St John in the desert and on his desk a statuette of his namesake St George killing the dragon.

"I too want to kill the devil in Romania, the corruption and lies," he tells me, with an eye on the huge TV screen in the corner to check how often his own face pops up on the news channel.

So how does he explain his spectacular rise from shepherd to multi-millionaire politician?

"In the Byzantine Empire, the great kings were shepherds. And if you want me to quote the Bible, Jesus didn't say I am your captain or your driver, but I am your shepherd. So in Romanian politics, I see myself as an apostle because I'm trying to do something no one has tried before", he said.

"Now that Europe has been reunited, I also want to see a spiritual reunification of Europe, I want western Christian-democracy to be enriched by Eastern Orthodoxy. If we don't counter sin with faith, then the end of the world is nigh," Mr Becali says.

Fan base

This messianic tone goes down well in a country where the Orthodox Church is the most trusted institution. Football too enjoys cult status.

At a match in the Black Sea port of Constanta, I saw Steaua fans furiously chanting and waving their red and blue banners.

Some even had flags that looked suspiciously like iron crosses. Notorious for their violence and their racist taunts against Hungarian, Roma or black players, they are a force to be reckoned with, on the pitch and at the polls.

"Gigi would make Romania a cleaner and fairer country, because he has faith in God and he wants to clean out the mafia," one young man said. "He helps poor people, he understands their difficulties, while other politicians do nothing," said another.

Help for poor

For leading political analyst Alina Mungiu-Pippidi, Mr Becali "satisfies an important need in the voters right now - the need to denounce the whole corruption of the political system".

"He managed to create an image for himself of a person who not just speaks differently from the rest of the political class, but also is different. He's a man of his word, he is a provider, he delivers what he says he does," Alina Mungiu-Pippidi says.

The proof can be seen in a village in eastern Romania called Vadu-Rosca. It is now known as Becali's village.

The houses here were swept away by catastrophic floods two years ago. Then came Mr Becali in his trademark Maybach limousine and promised to build them all up again. And so he did.

Eleonora Lazar showed me into one of 200 identical small white bungalows, all built by Mr Becali. A widow with three children, she told me she had more faith in the football boss than in the government.

"He's so generous, he deserves to become president," she says. "Why should we elect someone who didn't even bother about us? We pray for him every day, for his health and so people should stop accusing him of all sorts of things. He's never done anything bad," Mrs Lazar told me.

Mr Becali has fought off accusations of tax evasion and dodgy deals. He equally rejects any charges of extremism and intolerance.

Anti-gay stance

But what about an offer he made last year to give a few million dollars to anyone who would root out homosexuality in Romania? Amid the faint smell of incense that pervades his office and with three bodyguards looking on, he got visibly angry.

"I love homosexuals like everyone else. I have nothing against them. But I insist, it's a sin. And I will repeat it everywhere, including in the European Parliament, because I'm not afraid of any European policy or whatever, homosexuality is a sin, and that's that!" he shouted.

If he is elected, I asked him, what are the first three things he plans to do?

"I will ask God to give me wisdom," came the answer after a pause. "He will tell me, this is the first thing you should do, this is the second, and this is the third. I can't tell you now what God will tell me then."

Mr Becali's parting words were just as striking. "We'll see," he told me with a smile, "if you are on the side of God or on that of the devil."

In one of Europe's poorest countries, his voice is unashamedly anti-liberal, promising some sort of salvation to those angered and frustrated with conventional party politics.

Political turmoil

Mr Becali's party is gaining ground on the more established Greater Romania Party, which recently caused a stir in the European Parliament by helping to form a new ultra-nationalist group.

Polls credit PNG's list headed by Gigi Becali with 10-15% of the vote, which could see it wining four to six seats of the 35 allotted to Romania in the European Parliament.

But as Alina Mungiu-Pippidi explains, it is not just happening in Romania. "People like Becali and others in Central Europe, where everywhere radical populism is on the rise, are the product of a certain failure in our political transition," she says.

"Our transitions were very successful economically, they succeeded in bringing our countries into the EU, but didn't succeed in creating normal politics. If Becali fails, it's going to be somebody else. The problem is that normal politics don't manage to deliver as they should," Mrs Mungiu-Pippidi says.

If he fails, Mr Becali told me he would buy a few thousand sheep, make cheese and stop answering journalists' questions.

But many fear his flock will be the stray sheep of Romania's long transition to democracy.

16 March 2007

Timidly peeking out into the world (Wall Street Journal)

Transylvanian Town Set to Shine as This Year's European Cultural Capital

By MARK BAKER
March 16, 2007


Although Sibiu's recorded history goes back eight centuries, a stroll through this city's broad, handsome squares and neat, cobblestone alleys in many ways feels like a glimpse into Romania's happier future.

The sheer anarchy of a place like
Bucharest makes you wonder if the European Union didn't bite off more than it could chew this time around, when it took in both Romania and Bulgaria as members in January. The social fabric of the capital seems so shorn apart, you wonder if it can ever be knit back together.

But here in Sibiu, about 250 kilometers northwest of Bucharest deep in the heart of Transylvania, you sense a social and cultural cohesiveness that immediately feels different and even sparks a glimmer or two of, well, euro-optimism. Maybe it's the anarchy that's the anomaly, and this is the real
Romania.

That was probably the hope in
Brussels when the Council of Ministers chose Sibiu to co-host, along with Luxembourg, the European Cultural Capital for 2007. At any rate, they couldn't have selected a more Europe-friendly introduction to the EU's newest member state. A visit here makes a fine weekend for anyone looking for an unexpected touch of architectural beauty and plenty of culture to go along with it.

Few people will have ever heard of
Sibiu, but for centuries the city—known by its German name of Hermannstadt—played an important role in governing Transylvania, what the Germans called Siebenbürgen to refer to the region's seven fortified towns. German settlers were originally brought in by the Hungarian kings in the 12th century to secure the region from Tatar barbarians to the east.

By many measures,
Sibiu was the most successful of these Saxon-dominated burgs. In the 15th century, the town's clannish Saxons repelled wave after wave of attack from the feared Ottoman Turks. Just 100 years later, Sibiu was hailed in travel books of the time as the biggest and most beautiful of the seven German towns. One account describes it as "only a hint smaller than Vienna," then the seat of the Hapsburg Empire.

Sibiu's lapse into relative obscurity began in the middle of the 19th century. The Compromise of 1867, establishing the dual Austrian-Hungarian monarchy, transferred Transylvania to Hungarian control. The Hungarians preferred to run their affairs from Kolozsvár (the modern Romanian city of Cluj-Napoca), Sibiu's rival to the north. By the end of World War I, when Transylvania was awarded to Romania, Sibiu had dwindled to the status of a prosperous county seat—essentially what it is today, with a population of about 170,000.

The 20th century wasn't kind to
Sibiu's Germans. The Nazis dominated this area in World War II, and many of the ethnic Germans who survived the war were expelled in its aftermath. The rest fell victim to Nicolae Ceausescu's crushing version of Communism. Many eventually escaped to West Germany or were bartered by the regime like car parts in exchange for deutsche marks.

Today's ethnic-German population numbers only about 3,000, though it is the town's undeniable Saxon feel that visitors will notice first. The architectural styles -- a fusion of early Gothic with a later overlay of Hapsburg-inspired Baroque and Secession -- the faded pastel colors, and the rough-hewn textures of the walls and roofs all recall something of a prosperous German or Austrian provincial capital.

And the sheer scale of the historic core is shocking. The central Piata Mare, the
Large Square, is one-and-a-half football fields long and another one wide. Unlike Prague's or Krakow's central square, this one is largely unadorned in keeping with more modest Saxon tastes, but it provides a dramatic backdrop to a leisurely stroll on a warm evening.

Sibiu's trademark feature has to be the evocative, eye-shaped dormer windows that stare down from ancient rooftops across the city. In the years before 1989, their relentless gaze must have felt more than a little sinister—like the watchful eyes of 1,000 Securitate informers. (This was not such a stretch in the 1980s, when Ceausescu's son Nicu lived here as a kind of village-idiot overlord). But these days the windows' upturned corners appear to be smiling.

The European Cultural Capital designation is one of those quaint bureaucratic honorifics for which
Brussels is famous. Each year, the EU Council of Ministers chooses one or two cities to showcase its history as a way of parading Europe's cultural diversity. Being a cultural capital is a big deal for smaller cities like Sibiu. Curiously, Brussels doesn't provide any extra funding to the winners, but at the same time, the mere designation alone exerts a kind of "Olympics effect" on the hosts. It's a perfect excuse for city fathers to finally fix up the sewer systems and streetlights, to paint the facades and make sure all those glossy "Invest in Our Town" brochures are neatly stacked up at the tourist information office.

Sibiu has spent about $100 million on infrastructure and renovation, according to Cristian Radu, an energetic, young-looking man who's in charge of coordinating the year's events. That's big bucks in a country where a decent salary tops out at $10,000 a year, and many people make much less. Sibiu probably hasn't looked this good since the Compromise of 1867.

Sibiu's main attractions are clustered amid its three main squares – the Piata Mare, Piata Mica (Small Square), and Piata Huet (Huet Square) – and it's possible to take in the high points in an afternoon of dedicated strolling. The focus is the pedestrianized Piata Mare, the town's center for
the past 500 years. Just off the square, you'll find the respected Brukenthal museum, dating from the early 19th century and holding one of the country's best collections of European and Romanian art. Running the length of the square is a large Baroque Roman Catholic Cathedral and the impressive
Council Tower. Scattered in and around all this highbrow masonry are literally dozens of cafés, bars and restaurants.

Just off the Piata Mare, the much smaller Piata Huet is dominated by the enormous Evangelical Cathedral, a late-Gothic masterpiece that happens to hold the country's largest pipe organ. Connecting the Piata Huet and the Piata Mica is a local wrought-iron oddity known as "Liar's Bridge." Lore has it anyone telling a lie on the bridge will send it crashing down – a dubious claim given
Romania's deceptive political culture of recent decades and the fact the bridge is still standing, as good as the day it was built 150 years ago. The Piata Mica is home to the city's trendiest bars and restaurants, as well as some beautifully restored arcaded storefronts and, naturally, those smiling rooftop "eyelids" overlooking it all.

A 10-minute walk to the periphery in nearly any direction brings you to what's left of the medieval town walls and towers that served the townspeople so well in their struggles against the marauders from the east. The defense plan called for building concentric circles that in the end
proved impregnable. Much of this original fortification system is still in surprisingly good shape.

Six kilometers south of
Sibiu stands a unique open-air museum, the Astra Museum of Traditional Folk Culture, dedicated to the country's rural heritage. Here you'll find kilometers of handsomely laid-out wooded paths among lakes, streams and rolling hills, dotted here and there with exhibitions showing the skill and industriousness of the country's villagers. Come for the education or simply for a few hours respite from the crowded core.

In the end, cultural capitals are about, well, culture. And anyone who braves Romania's dilapidated rail network -- or worse, its roads -- to make the journey here to Sibiu (see accompanying article for tips on how to get here) will be rewarded by an uncommonly rich program. In addition to the city's already well-known international theater and jazz festivals, there will be classical music, live theater, performance art and film throughout the year. A complete listing can be found at the main event Web site: www.sibiu2007.ro.


Things to do in Old Sibiu

How to Get There

Tarom (www.tarom.ro1), Romania's national carrier, now flies directly to Sibiu from Munich and Vienna, and the number of flights to Sibiu is expected to grow as budget carriers, like Romania's Carpatair (www.carpatair.com2), continue to expand. For most travelers the easiest way to get here is still to fly to Bucharest and catch a connecting flight to Sibiu or continue onward with the bus or train (figure on five to six hours by train) or a rental car (about four hours depending on traffic and weather). Tarom operates regular air service to
Bucharest's main Otopeni airport from many European cities, with several-times-weekly connections to Sibiu. Romania-based Blue Air (www.blueair-web.com3) flies from Madrid, Paris, Rome and several other European cities to Bucharest's Baneasa airport. Similarly, Bratislava-based SkyEurope (www.skyeurope.com4) offers regular service to Baneasa from many European cities, usually with a stopover in the Slovak
capital. Check rail timetables at the Romanian national railroad's Web site, www.cfr.ro5 (note the departing train station is Bucuresti Nord). Train and bus prices are cheap at about $25 each way. Expect to pay about $50 to $60 a day for a rental car.

Where to Stay

No less than three four- and five-star projects are in the works, including a new Ramada Inn and a luxury renovation involving the Hilton Hotel group. At press time, all were promising a mid-2007 opening but still looked a long way from completion. For the moment, that leaves two decent hotel options and a bunch of smaller, pension-style properties that usually book up quickly once warm weather comes. The Continental is a Communist-era high-rise that has been retrofitted with better plumbing and thicker mattresses and is decent value for money. Doubles start at about $120 a night (40-269-218-100, www.continentalhotels.ro6). A classier option is the Imparatul Romanilor (the "Roman Emperor's" hotel), a renovated 18th-century inn down the street from the main square, the Piata Mare, with quirky two-floor rooms filled with period furnishings. Doubles run $130 a night and up (40- 269-216-500).

Where to Eat

Sibiu is a coffee town, and you'll have no problem finding places with excellent espresso. There are fewer choices, though, for more adventurous appetites. Crama Sibiul Vechi, just off a side street near the main Piata Mare, is an absolute must. It's a Transylvanian-themed cellar restaurant with inventive traditional dishes, such as Shepherd's Bag -- a grilled chicken breast stuffed with spicy sausage and a tart dollop of sheep's cheese (40-269210-461). Reservations recommended. Expect to pay about $15 per person without wine. La Piazzetta, an authentic pizzeria just off the Small Square, the Piata Mica, may have the best pizza in Romania. That's a bold claim, given that there appears to be a pizzeria in every village, town and city in this country. But rarely do you find ingredients like fresh arugula and real mozzarella, and all served with friendly, family-style Italian flair. Reservations recommended. Expect to pay $10 to $15 per person without wine (40-269-230-879).

What to See

Don't miss the three main squares, the Piata Mare, Piata Mica and Piata Huet; the Evangelical Cathedral; the Brukenthal Museum; Liar's Bridge; the remaining town walls; and if you get good weather, the Astra open-air museum.
Sibiu has two decent tourist offices. The municipal-run Tourist Information Center (Str. Samuel Brukenthal 2, 40-269-208-913, www.sibiu.ro7) hands out a great free map, and can suggest accommodation options if you turn up without a bed. Kultours (Piata Mica 16, 40-269-216-854, www.kultours.ro8) is an energetic private travel agency that can also find rooms, and is a good source of info on more adventurous pursuits like hiking and biking.

07 February 2007

Strung out on consumer culture a.k.a GORGING ON WASTE (NY Times)

Far Away, Super Bowl’s Losers Will Be Champs

MIAMI, Feb. 3 — In some parts of the world, the Seattle Seahawks are the reigning Super Bowl champions, the Buffalo Bills are the last great football dynasty and Tom Brady is some frustrated quarterback from New England who can never win it all.

So say the T-shirts and the caps worn in Niger, Uganda and Sierra Leone.

The Super Bowl will end about 10 p.m. Sunday, and by 10:01 every player on the winning team — along with coaches, executives, family members and ball boys — could be outfitted in colorful T-shirts and caps proclaiming them champions.

The other set of championship gear — the 288 T-shirts and caps made for the team that did not win — will be hidden behind a locked door at Dolphin Stadium. By order of the National Football League, those items are never to appear on television or on eBay. They are never even to be seen on American soil.

They will be shipped Monday morning to a warehouse in Sewickley, Pa., near Pittsburgh, where they will become property of World Vision, a relief organization that will package the clothing in wooden boxes and send it to a developing nation, usually in Africa.

This way, the N.F.L. can help one of its charities and avoid traumatizing one of its teams.

“Where these items go, the people don’t have electricity or running water,” said Jeff Fields, a corporate relations officer for World Vision. “They wouldn’t know who won the Super Bowl. They wouldn’t even know about football.”

The gear is flown, along with school and medical supplies, into a major city. It is then driven to one of the villages where World Vision staff members work. They distribute the shirts and caps at a community center, about two per family.

Beth Colleton, the N.F.L.’s director for community ventures, worked for a month at a World Vision service area in Ethiopia. One day, she saw a boy in the village wearing a Green Bay Packers 1998 Super Bowl champions T-shirt.

Ms. Colleton might have been the only person in the village to do a double take. The Denver Broncos were the 1998 Super Bowl champions.

After she returned home, she watched a documentary about Romanian orphans. One of them was wearing a Buffalo Bills Super Bowl champions T-shirt. “I almost fell out of my chair,” she said.

The Bills, losers of four consecutive Super Bowls in the 1990s, at least have a following in Romania. Some of their Super Bowl champions T-shirts were relegated to a trash heap in Tampa, Fla.

In the final seconds of the 1991 Super Bowl at Tampa Stadium, Buffalo place-kicker Scott Norwood lined up for a potential 47-yard game-winning field goal against the Giants. Eddie White, a Reebok vice president, ran onto the field with an armful of Bills championship shirts.

He had to position himself to get a shirt to Buffalo’s best players after the field goal was converted. But Norwood’s kick drifted right, and Mr. White did a 180-degree turn, sprinting from the field and tossing the shirts in the closest trash bin.

He talked about such moments as if he were a coach deconstructing a memorable fourth-down play. “We need to have a game plan just like the teams do,” he said.

Ten days ago, Reebok printed 288 championship T-shirts and caps each for the Indianapolis Colts and for the Chicago Bears, participants in this year’s Super Bowl. The gear was driven by van to Dolphin Stadium on Monday and presented to the N.F.L.

“Don’t worry,” Mr. White said. “It’s protected as well as Elizabeth Taylor’s diamonds.”

He is referring, of course, to $20 T-shirts and $30 caps. But to players and coaches, these are cotton-and-polyester trophies, the first of many tangible rewards they receive upon winning the Super Bowl.

When Green Bay beat New England in the 1997 Super Bowl, and the defensive coordinator Fritz Shurmur saw his shirt and cap for the first time, he started to cry. “I’ve waited my whole life for that shirt and that hat,” he said.

Distribution is a science. Twelve employees from Reebok and the N.F.L. huddle midway through the fourth quarter and handicap the game. If the score is lopsided, they stalk the sideline of the winning team, keeping the boxes out of sight.

But if the game is close, half the group goes to one side and half goes to the other. Each employee is assigned a star player to outfit. If the Colts win, for instance, someone immediately has to get a shirt and cap to quarterback Peyton Manning. If the Bears win, someone has to find linebacker Brian Urlacher.

This can be a difficult job, dodging joyous 300-pound linemen. But the advertising potential is priceless. Once the scoreboard clock hits 00:00, clothing manufacturers around the country start churning out championship merchandise. If Manning is seen wearing a T-shirt Sunday night, it will be flying off shelves in Indianapolis by Monday.

For the past 20 years, the shirts and caps have become as much a part of championship games as the coaches’ Gatorade showers. At the end of the World Series, the N.B.A. finals and the Final Four, all the winners get to celebrate in fresh threads.

The losers, meanwhile, trudge back to their locker room in sweaty jerseys. Major League Baseball destroys the clothing that was made for its runners-up. The N.B.A. donates it to an overseas charity. And the N.F.L. sends it to a place far away.

There, and only there, the losers get to be winners.

01 February 2007

A gustative adventure (NY Times)

Sharing Romanian Under a Sphinx

By PETER MEEHAN
January 31, 2007

MARIGOLD walls, goldenrod tablecloths, egg yolks spilling into moist corn-colored mamaliga: yellow, yellow, yellow at Acasa in Sunnyside, Queens.

Acasa is a new Romanian place on a stretch of Skillman Avenue that’s not poor in the Romanian department. The dining room is dominated by a massive photo mural that struck me as being sci-fi: a solar eclipse in a red sky on one end; a rocky, Martian outcropping on the other. That’s what too much goulash will get you into, I thought.

Wrong, I was. Marian Golea, the restaurant’s effusive owner, explained that it was a photograph of the Romanian Sphinx, a rocky outcropping on the Bucegi Platform, taken during a total solar eclipse. As soon as Mr. Golea suggested it, the rock looked exactly like the profile of its more recently constructed and more internationally famous Egyptian brother.

Who knew you could argue that the Great Sphinx of Giza was a knockoff? You learn something new every night in this town.

One evening I learned that desserts at Acasa are very, very good, particularly papanasi cu smantana ($4), which the menu translates as “Fried Cheese Donuts with sweet vanilla creamy sauce.” I offer this nugget of discovery up front because anyone who does not budget his appetite will not have room for this.

For something a little less filling, go for the clatite cu gem ($4), crepes stuffed with jam. A friend of mine with a Romanian grandmother did, and devoured them, evoking her good name and good cooking.

He did the same with an order of red peppers stuffed with meat and rice. Mr. Golea linked the goulash and the mushroom stew with white sauce to Transylvania, the region of Romanian from which he hails. After moving to the United States, he spent 15 years working at different jobs — much of the time as a mechanical engineer at Kennedy Airport — before opening Acasa, his first restaurant.

While there may be the occasional Transylvanian accent on the menu, it’s not as strong as, say, Bela Lugosi’s. Mr. Golea said the Romanians who visit his restaurant come from all over Romania, so there are dishes to suit everyone.

A supremely creamy caviar spread, much like taramosalata, and other mezes with a Mediterranean accent, like a garlicky, light bean spread and a too-smoky eggplant dip, evince the Greek and Turkish influences on Romania’s cooking. Order a few ($4 each), and the kitchen will assemble a platter for the table.

A smoked pork knuckle — meager and sinewy but studded with enough meaty nuggets to merit inclusion on the list of house specialties — is served over melted cabbage ($11.99). It reflects the century Romania spent as a part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

My favorite dishes at Acasa feature mamaliga, Romania’s answer to polenta. It’s a perfect foil to grilled lamb (erroneously billed as lamb pastrami) or braised pork. I liked it best with a fried egg, a huge dollop of sour cream and a side order of sour-and-sweet pickled red peppers.

There’s beer and wine, and the Romanian choices are affordable and acceptable. Ursus is a pilsner that goes back easy. I tried two white wines: the riesling is drier than the muscat.

One night, after ordering a bottle of the riesling ($12), my waitress asked me if I’d like seltzer, too. She was upselling me, I thought, but I opted for it anyway. Wrong again. The seltzer was for the wine, to make what from here on I will refer to as Transylvanian champagne.

It might have been too much of that Transylvanian champagne, or maybe it was a calorie-overloaded hallucination, but I swear the sphinx whispered to me one night. It told me that eating crispy carnaciori oltenesti ($4) — hot dog-like sausages paired with Windy City-style yellow mustard — in the shadow of an eclipse would trigger a slaughtering of favored colts by savage bears this coming Sunday. Who am I to argue with the Romanian Sphinx?

Acasa

48-06 Skillman Avenue (48th Street), Sunnyside, Queens; (718) 651-1364.

BEST DISHES Caviar spread; meatball appetizer; grilled lamb with mamaliga; mamaliga with egg and sour cream; pickled red peppers.

PRICE RANGE Small dishes, $4 to $6; main courses, $7.99 to $14.99; desserts, $4.

CREDIT CARDS Cash only.

HOURS Noon to 10 p.m. Monday to Thursday; to midnight Friday, Saturday and Sunday.

WHEELCHAIR ACCESS Accessible.