26 January 2007

More praise for the new Romanian cinema (BBC News)


Romanian film wins BBC Four award

BBC News | Last Updated: Thursday, 25 January 2007, 22:06 GMT

Romanian film "The Death of Mr Lazarescu" - a black comedy drama charting a man's slow demise in real time - has won BBC Four's fourth World Cinema award.

The prize was announced at a ceremony held at London's National Film Theatre, hosted by broadcaster Jonathan Ross.

Director Cristi Puiu, who flew in from Bucharest to pick up his award, called it "a very important prize".

He said he was "very glad" to receive an accolade "from one of the most famous broadcasters in the world".

The film was selected from a shortlist that included such acclaimed foreign-language titles as Pedro Almodovar's Volver and Austrian thriller Hidden.

'Diversity'

Puiu won the Un Certain Regard award at the 2005 Cannes Film Festival and was nominated for two European Film Awards.

Last year's award was won by the German film Downfall, which recreated Adolf Hitler's final hours in his Berlin bunker.

"The diversity of films shortlisted for this award demonstrates the incredibly high standard of world cinema today," said BBC Four controller Janice Hadlow.

The 2007 judging panel comprised actor Peter Capaldi, star of BBC Four's The Thick of It, and the critics Peter Bradshaw and Leslie Felperin.

07 January 2007

Destination Romania (Boston Globe)

In a new light

Joining the European Union brings with it promise, demands -- and anxiety

By Tom Haines, Globe Staff |
January 7, 2007

ARGINEA -- On a December night in the forested foothills of the Carpathian range, epic borderland that marks a new edge of modern Europe after Romania joined the European Union on Monday, darkness and fog conspired. Sight shrank to 10 feet, two. History dissolved, the future fled, the present hid.

Then, with a wash of midmorning sun, only faint wisps of white lingered above the village of Voronet and a stone church adorned with frescoes in rich red, gold, and blue. The Orthodox images of Adam plowing, of the Last Judgment, and more were not sheltered inside a sanctuary, but exposed, vulnerable, on outside walls.

When they were painted on wet plaster five centuries ago, a time when Turks attacked from the south, the murals on this and other churches nearby were meant to teach tales of Christian saints and soldiers to illiterate masses. In the centuries since, they have weathered not only sleet and snow, heat and sunlight, but also the strong hand of Austro-Hungarian rule, the chaos of World War II battles, and a forced silence that ended with the fall of Nicolae Ceausescu's conspiratorial communist regime in 1989.

During this winter of change, the open-air frescoes, unique in Europe, witness not the struggle of empires, but the uncertainty of individual lives.

Only a few dozen feet from Voronet's painted Church of St. George, breath blew hot as a white-haired man stooped in a cemetery to turn chunks of black earth, spade by spade, shovel by shovel.

A passing woman, her gray hair wrapped in a rust-colored scarf, sang out: "Watch the bones!"

"What will we find?" the grave-digger sang back. "There was a 5-month-old baby. So what bones will we find here?"

Vasile Lucaci , a soft-skinned man with short whiskers on his chin and few teeth in his mouth, climbed from the shallow pit to smoke a Saint George cigarette. When he is not digging graves, Lucaci, 60, butchers pigs, scythes hay in the fields, and chops timber in the hills.

"Whatever somebody asks me to do," he said, "for money."

He mocked the coming of the European Union and the busy bureaucrats he feared would dictate how much hay to harvest, how much milk to draw from a cow.

"In the old times, you could wash the udder a bit, drink, and not get sick," Lucaci said, describing a method his neighbors still use.

"Now, in Europe, you need a machine. And next year," he joked, "they will have regulations about how to drink the milk."

But what is a man like Lucaci to do?

He watched a concrete bridge replace the wooden one that connected his village to the world beyond the Voronet River. He has looked across a new chasm between poor and rich in capitalist Romania; how likely is it that billions of dollars in EU investment will trickle down to him?

So Lucaci shrugged and crossed the cemetery toward one grave he did not dig; it held the remains of his wife of 38 years, Georgeta . She died in June, 58 years old.

"She escaped UEFA ," Lucaci joked, referring to the EU by the acronym for the governing body of the continent's soccer leagues.

During Ceausescu's rule, soccer provided a rare link to Western Europe: In 1986, Steaua Bucuresti, a professional team from the capital, Bucharest, won Europe's Champions League title at a match in Seville, Spain.

Lucaci smiled and rested his thick hand, so used to wielding picks and axes, atop the wooden cross marking his wife's grave. Suddenly, though, it was all too much, this banter about life's changes, this pretending the stakes are really not that high. Lucaci's chin dropped toward his wool sweater. His hand lifted, as if to coax words from a silent mouth, then settled across his heart. Tears cleaned his cheeks.

He told of trips from his wooden home by the river to kneel beneath the cross.

"I light a candle," he said.

What is a flame but a symbol, an attempt to give light to a life, an idea?

Dozens of churches, symbols of the victories over Turks, rose 500 years ago in the hilly hamlets and wide valleys of southern Bucovina, as this region is known. Several -- including those in Voronet, Arbore , Vatra Moldovitei , and Sucevita -- are especially celebrated for their holiness and artistic beauty. Seven were named UNESCO World Heritage sites in 1993.

The churches are sheltered by fortified monastery walls. Two, three, or four stories high, they are capped with sloped wooden roofs. Yet the frescoes loom largest.

Consider the northern facade of the church in Sucevita, a village set beneath a mountain pass. The church is said to have been built in the 1580s by descendants of Stefan the Great, a 15th-century Moldovan ruler with a record of 34 and 2 in battles against Ottomans; he is still celebrated as one of Romania's greatest heroes. Two artists, Ioan and Sofronie , in 1596 applied paint onto a wet mixture of lime and hemp, locking colorful images onto the surface.

Outsiders who came during the reign of Austrians and Hungarians in Bucovina, which lasted for more than a century until World War I, scratched names and initials into frescoes. Russian soldiers pillaged the monastery, home to nuns, during World War II. The church's northern facade, though, is well preserved and considered a masterpiece of medieval painting. It shows an account in muted hues of the "Ladder of John Climax," inspired by a sixth-century saint who lived on Mount Sinai. Robed monks climb 32 flights toward the virtues of love, hope, and faith, and ascension to heaven. Above the monks wait orderly rows of winged angels, their heads shrouded in golden halos. Below the ladder, tempted, twisted monks fall toward hell.

On a Saturday morning, a few dozen villagers walked past the "Ladder" fresco and ducked beneath an arch into a small chapel in a monastery building. They crowded among black-robed nuns and a chanting priest. Bulbous loaves of coliva , a sweet bread of wheat, walnuts, and raisins, covered a table. Nuns sang sweetly as worshipers hoisted the table up and down, their words spilling forth in Romanian, a Latin-rooted language unique in a regional sea of Slavic tongues. They made promises to the dead: The living would continue to labor for virtue.

Only hours later, up and over the mountain pass and beyond the painted church in Vatra Moldovitei , where a lone nun knelt to polish ornately carved wooden chairs in a chapel, Gheorghe Dujac hunched over the lifeless body of a 400-pound pig.

Pigs were meeting the same fate in farmyards all along the banks of the shallow, stone-washed river that traced the village of Argel . The Lobiuc family, their home set at a bend near a lumber mill, would do the work themselves; a son, recently returned from migrant work in Italy, would help. The owner of a nearby shop would slaughter his father's pig. Another family would hire a butcher to cut loin, chops, intestines, and more from two pigs.

Butchers and villagers bantered in a mix of Romanian and an old Ukrainian dialect. After World War I, this section of Bucovina and more to the north united with the young Kingdom of Romania . In 1940, Soviet soldiers reclaimed the northern half, drawing a border 10 miles north of Argel that now divides Romania and Ukraine.

Dujac, who rose at 3 a.m. to butcher another pig in a neighboring village, had been hired by Ghiocel Hlosciuc to come to his farmyard. The lot was slick with mud and sloppy stacks of lumber. Thick-feathered chickens clucked in a coop. Three cows kept silent in their stalls.

On the crest of a nearby ridge, a farmhouse not yet reached by plumbing or electricity lingered as a reminder of life untouched, on the surface, at least, during communist years.

Below, Hlosciuc's homestead was a work in progress. Hlosciuc, 30, whose brother tended the cows, made his relative fortune where he could: trading lumber from the forests , shipping local mushrooms to markets in Italy , peddling Heineken from a small shop next to his cramped two-room home. He hoped an unfinished two-story house capped with a gleaming red metal roof would make a bustling bed-and-breakfast for tourists visiting the nearby painted church.

In the meantime, he stood with his two children, 5 and 3, and watched as Dujac plucked the pig, singed it with a blow torch, then hoisted it beneath a frame of tree trunks for gutting. A police officer, his lean face halved by a bushy mustache, stopped for plum brandy and conversation. He scoffed at speculation about tough EU requirements for butchering animals.

"Next year I won't be here to drink, but to fine them," he said. "Not even Ceausescu was able to stop this, so why now?"

Dujac hoped for a silver lining in a nation laced with corruption from local cops to corporate chiefs.

"We will see," he said, his hands slick with pig fat. "Maybe the thieves will disappear."

He tossed choice cuts of meat, taken from the pig's neck, into a pot with chunks of fat. Hlosciuc's wife, Simona , carted the pot to a kitchen in the couple's older two-room home. She set it on an iron range above a wood fire, and added an onion, then salt. Soon tochitura , a stew eaten after the slaughter of a pig, would be served alongside a thick potato polenta and home-pickled cucumbers.

Simona rushed tradition; she needed to prepare for a geography class the next morning, one step toward her goal of teaching at the village school. As she stirred and salted, Georgel , the 5-year-old, seemed oblivious. He had been mesmerized by Dujac's backyard butchery; now he sat before a small color television, watching cartoons.

Tensions of time seemed to dissolve the next morning, inside the wide monastery walls in Putna. Putna's church, though not painted on the exterior, is the burial place of Stefan the Great. A steady flow of hundreds of locals, dressed in urban black and peasant wool, passed Stefan's grave en route to priests leading prayers for health, family , and forgiveness.

Robed monks, men committed to the simple ways symbolized by their black caps and long beards, wandered the monastery grounds. Only one, Father Teofilact , nearly 80, had been at Putna during Ceausescu's time, when monks and nuns were chased from monasteries. Most at Putna were younger, and as Sunday worshipers returned to their homes, one told of today's dangers.

"Communism comes as an enemy you know," said the tall monk, his voice soft and steady. "Capitalism comes luring you. It comes with a whole set of temptations. Everybody who is weak can find comfort in those temptations."

The monk, 27, who preferred not to be known by name, criticized those corrupted by an economy that booms only for some.

"Pride is one of the ultimate sins," he said. "It is the sin that took Lucifer from heaven."

He stopped at the low wooden doorway leading outside the monastery. He said he would minister to all who come seeking God's love. But few people are drawn to righteous living in the face of worldly reward.

"To spread the Orthodox message now," the monk said, "is tough."

By twilight, on the main street of the neighboring village of Vicovu de Sus , teenage girls in tight pants walked arm-in-arm past many-sweatered grandmothers. A Mercedes sedan careered past a plodding horse cart. Wet wind lifted the elusive arc of a broken rainbow until, with the quickly fallen night, it was gone.

06 January 2007

1984 Olympic Games (Gazeta Sporturilor)

Olimpiadă confiscată

Viorel Tudorache
Gazeta Sporturilor
7 ianuarie 2007


Partidul Comunist Român a interzis selecţionatei de fotbal a României să participe la JO din 1984 de la Los Angeles.Ultima prezenţă a fotbalului românesc la Olimpiadă s-a consemnat la ediţia din 1966, de la Tokyo. De atunci, selecţionata olimpică a României şi-a mai cîştigat însă dreptul de a participa şi la Jocurile Olimpice de la Los Angeles din 1984, dar performanţa nu apare în statistici, pentru că partidul comunist nu i-a lăsat pe "tricolori" să meargă în America.

Reprezentativa noastră se calificase de pe locul doi în grupa preliminară, după Iugoslavia, dar înaintea redutabilelor "naţionale" ale Italiei şi Olandei.Antrenorul de atunci al selecţionatei olimpice, Gigi Staicu, povesteşte: "Cînd s-a făcut delegaţia pentru Olimpiadă, celebra Lina Ciobanu de la CC al PCR a tăiat din delegaţie echipa de fotbal, spunînd că preşedintele ţării, Nicolae Ceauşescu, nu e de acord ca statul român să cheltuiască bani pentru încă 25 de persoane. Era o mare minciună, fiindcă toate cheltuielile erau suportate de Comitetul Internaţional Olimpic. Astfel, în locul nostru a mers Italia, clasată după noi, care avea să joace finala mică cu Iugoslavia. Ni s-a făcut o mare nedreptate, mie şi jucătorilor”. Gigi Staicu şi-a amintit: "La întoarcerea delegaţiei din SUA, Ceauşescu a întrebat-o pe Lina Ciobanu de ce n-a fost şi fotbalul la Jocurile Olimpice. Aceasta a început să dea din colţ în colţ. El nu ştia. Generalul Ion Coman a intervenit: . Ciobanu a bălmăjit ceva, iar după acest episod a fost dată afară din CC al PCR şi pusă ministrul industriei de maşini".

Au bătut nume grele
Selecţionata olimpică a României avea în componenţă mai mulţi jucători care evoluau, în paralel, şi la prima reprezentativă, calificată la Euro '84 din Franţa. Din acel lot olimpic au făcut parte, printre alţii, Silviu Lung, Ion Manu, Andrei Speriatu, Paul Cazan, Ungureanu, Constantin Stancu, Ştefan Iovan, Bărbulescu, Mulţescu, Irimescu, Cîrţu, Coraş, Balint, Văetuş, Zare, Marian Dragnea, Lăcătuş, Mateuţ, Adrian Popescu. "Tricolorii" au întîlnit adversari celebri, precum olandezii Van Tiggelen, Louis van Gaal, Jan Wouters sau italienii Vierchowod, Baresi, Massaro, Tassotti şi Roberto Mancini.

România a încălcat embargoul
Olimpiada de la Los Angeles a fost boicotată de majoritatea ţărilor din fostul bloc comunist, cu excepţia României şi a Iugoslaviei. Statele est-europene au reacţionat astfel după ce SUA şi alte cîteva ţări occidentale au refuzat, la rîndul lor, participarea la Olimpiada din 1980 de la Moscova, în semn de protest faţă de intervenţia militară în Afghanistan a fostei Uniuni Sovietice.

04 January 2007

Stepping backward (The Economist)

The new kids on the block

Jan 4th 2007 | BUCHAREST AND SOFIA
From The Economist print edition

The European Union's two newest members, Bulgaria and Romania, are both economically and politically backward

WILL it work again? It is tempting to join the revellers in Bucharest and Sofia who seem to believe that European Union membership promises untold riches. The eight ex-communist states that joined in 2004 have done pretty well. Bulgaria and Romania are already growing strongly; EU money will help.

Yet the Balkan pair differ from their predecessors. Bulgaria's GDP per head in 2005 was only $3,480 and Romania's $4,490—against $9,240 for the eight entrants in 2004, and an EU-wide average of $29,330. And they are backward in many other ways. Infrastructure and public services are worse than in the rest of eastern Europe; corruption is more entrenched, and the political culture more fragile.

Although united by weak institutions and their poverty, Bulgaria and Romania differ in size, history, politics and economic structure. Romania, with some 22m people, is the second-biggest eastern European country after Poland. Bulgaria is just over a third as big. This could be a plus, as small countries' elites often work better. But Romania's political class has recently outscored Bulgaria's. Big countries also matter more to foreign investors.

Both countries are on the edge of the EU, but whereas Bulgarians feel out of the mainstream, Romanians do not. They see themselves as a Latin outpost in a sea of Slavs. Their language is linked to Italian and French. Bulgarian is a Slavic tongue, as close to Russian as Danish is to Swedish.

Each has a sizeable ethnic minority from a neighbour. In Romania some 7% of the population are ethnic Hungarians. The Hungarian minority's party, the HDUR, is a fixture in coalition governments, which has blunted its reforming edge. About 9% of Bulgaria's population are ethnic Turks, poorer and less educated than their fellow citizens. Their party, led by Ahmed Dogan, is a frequent target of complaints by anti-corruption campaigners. Both countries also have big Roma (gypsy) populations, often living in abominable conditions, worse than under communism.

The Balkan pair view Russia differently. Bulgarians thanked Tsarist Russia for liberating them from the Ottomans, and many recall communist rule as a time of modernisation. To Romanians, Russia is a predator. It took an eastern province from them in 1812. Romania regained it in 1918 and lost it again to the Soviet Union in 1940-41. This region, plus a strip of land bordering Ukraine, is now Moldova.

Romania, under its president, Traian Basescu, is a bastion of Atlanticism in the Black Sea region. Bulgaria is largely passive in foreign policy, though it has good relations with Russia. Bulgaria's prime minister, Sergei Stanishev, studied in Moscow; past Romanian leaders did so too, but to admit it now would spell political doom. Mr Basescu decries communism as criminal, but Bulgarian leaders only mumble.

In politics, Romania is noted for the recurrent conflict between Mr Basescu and his prime minister, Calin Popescu Tariceanu. Only the need to get into the EU has held Mr Basescu's Democratic Party together in government with Mr Tariceanu's National Liberal Party. In Bulgaria the prime minister and president come from the same party. But the coalition combines the Socialists (ex-communists), quasi-monarchists led by former King Simeon II and Mr Dogan's lot. Elections may take place in both countries this year.

Joining the EU has meant intense pressure to meet Brussels standards, which neither country yet does. The biggest worry is lawlessness. In Romania this takes the form of corruption; in Bulgaria, of organised crime. Criminal-justice systems are weak, and high-level sleaze widespread. Romania has made more progress: its non-party justice minister, Monica Macovei, is an effective administrator who has shaken up the structure and accountability of the judiciary and the prosecutor's office.

Bulgaria has moved more slowly. Some politicians still seem untouchable, as do some organised-crime groups. A recent OECD study rates Bulgaria higher for investment promotion, but Romania higher on anti-corruption and business integrity. Some senior Romanian officials and politicians have lost their jobs and even their freedom. The investigation of a former prime minister, Adrian Nastase, is a contrast to the immunity that Bulgaria's political class still enjoys.

Managers with experience in both countries say that Romanians are more individualistic than Bulgarians. “In Romania the problem is getting them to work in a team. In Bulgaria the problem is getting them to show any initiative,” says one. Higher education is bureaucratic and complacent. Infrastructure is dire; transport links between the two countries are awful, with just one road bridge across the Danube. A big road programme in Romania is bogged down in tendering scandals. Improvements will take EU cash, which may add 2% to GDP in 2007-13. It is hard to be confident that it will be well spent.

The main macroeconomic difference is that Romania's currency floats, whereas Bulgaria's is pegged to the euro. Both countries have huge current-account deficits: Bulgaria's was some 13.5% of GDP in 2006, Romania's 10.3%. Continuing inflation means that euro adoption is at least a decade away. Romania's demographic outlook is good by post-communist standards, with only a mild population decline that is expected to slow as income levels and health care improve. But Bulgaria's is one of the worst in eastern Europe: its population will fall below 7m by 2020.

Then there is emigration, encouraged by low pay, poor working conditions and bad public services. As many as 2m Romanians and 800,000 Bulgarians live abroad. Entry into the EU may stimulate emigration, though most existing members have slapped on temporary labour-market restrictions. That is partly because immigrants from Poland and other countries were more numerous than expected.

Both countries' borders are leaky. Moldovans can work easily (if not always legally) in Romania, as can Macedonians in Bulgaria. Although the two governments try to restrict the issue of passports to ethnic kinsfolk in these neighbours, they cannot stop them coming.

Romania has the advantage of size, demography and a newly confident elite that wants to put the country on the map of Europe. Bulgaria has a stronger industrial base. But given the political chaos that has taken hold in other eastern European countries, most of them much richer and stronger than the two newcomers, it is clear that the Balkan pair's road to EU prosperity and stability will be harder. The only question is how much.

01 January 2007

Romania enters the E.U. (BBC News)

EU welcomes Romania and Bulgaria

BBC News | Last Updated:
Monday, 1 January 2007, 13:59 GMT

Tens of thousands celebrated at midnight at concerts in the two capitals, Bucharest and Sofia.

The Romanian president said EU entry was an "enormous chance for future generations", while Bulgaria's leader said it was a "heavenly moment".

Their accession means the EU now has 27 members and half a billion people.

EU dignitaries attended the midnight celebrations in Bucharest and were flying on to Sofia on Monday for further ceremonies there.

EU Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso said: "In welcoming two new members in the family, we know our culture, our heritage, will be richer, our mutual ties and our economy will be boosted."

Romanian President Traian Basescu said: "It was hard, but we arrived at the end of the road. It is the road of our future. It is the road of our joy."

"We arrived in Europe. Welcome to Europe," Mr Basescu said on stage in University Square.

Earlier, the EU flag was raised outside the government headquarters in Bucharest to the European anthem, Beethoven's Ode to Joy.

On Monday morning young boys welcomed the new year in traditional style, cracking whips to chase away the evils of the past and ringing in the new with their bells.

In Sofia, a pyramid of light illuminated the sky, and thousands of people in Battenberg Square cheered as midnight struck.

In an emotional address to the nation, Bulgarian President Georgi Parvanov called the country's EU entry a "heavenly moment".

"The day we are welcoming - 1 January 2007 - will undoubtedly find its place among the most important dates in our national history," he said.

"But let's make it clear, our future success as a nation depends not on European funds and resources, but on our own work."

Border controls

On Monday morning everyday life appeared unchanged.

"I feel normally, like every other day. There is no difference, except may be the weather is fine today," said a passer-by in Sofia.

But Bulgaria has already had to make changes to comply with EU regulations.

Overnight it closed down part of its only nuclear power plant because of EU safety rules.

It also relaxed border controls at 15 crossings with EU members Greece and Romania, while strengthening them on its frontiers with Turkey, Serbia and Macedonia.

The EU's expansion means the bloc now stretches as far east as the Black Sea.

Romania and Bulgaria will now be subject to strict monitoring, to ensure they make more progress in the fight against corruption and organised crime.

They face export bans on certain foods, and Bulgaria has been warned that 55 of its aircraft could be grounded unless they reach EU safety standards.

Analysts say there is a risk that EU aid will be mis-spent, or just not taken up because the countries' institutions are too disorganised.

There are also fears that the countries' economies will fail to compete with the rest of the EU's once trade barriers come down.

Both Bulgaria and Romania are much poorer than the rest of the EU, with GDP per capita of about 33% of the EU average, compared with 50% in Poland.

Some Western European member states fear a flood of new immigrants, but officials in both countries say most of those who wanted to work abroad have already left.

Most of the 15 older EU member states have put in place restrictions on the free movement of workers from the two new members - though Finland and Sweden are two exceptions.